But how can the working classes be so f*c*i*g dumb? Ungrateful self-interested M.A.G.A. lemmings. Fat, opiate-addled herd.And then there are the pointless libtards arguing about pronouns. The bovine majority! Blue collar, working class, proletariat suckers. White collar, craven enablers. Worst instincts sabotaging best interests. Time and time again. When does it end?
Boris Johnson and his government have failed to tackle coronavirus but, despite public criticism, the agenda of the Boris cabal is nothing to do with public service. Their objectives are deregulation, authoritarian power consolidation and the unparalleled profit from a coordinated program of public-private partnership grift. Why should it matter if half the country wastes time arguing the toss about what Boris should do, how the PM should care for the people? Naive fools.
Public-private partnerships share traits with military-industrial wealth appropriation. Both invert the wealth redistribution ideal to send money up the ladder, from poor to rich, rather than trickling down rich to poor. This piece recasts British government failure on coronavirus as the latest success for Boris Johnson and his cabal. Their agenda isn’t public service. They prosecute their aims with great skill: deregulation, authoritarian power consolidation and an unparalleled program of public-private partnership grift.
“See it. Mock it. Dismiss it.” It’s an authority-enabling response that dominates social media and for some it’s become how they respond to everything. It perpetuates a polarized confirmation bias that’s reducing society to in-group out-group stagnation. It’s encouraged and exploited by politicized clickbait media. As individuals, it’s up to us to resist these lazy instincts twisted to serve the agenda of authoritarian divide-and-rule.
Friend versus enemy, faithful versus corrupted, good versus evil: choose your favorite dichotomy, it doesn’t matter. Tribalism is compelling. It’s melodrama designed to misdirect public discourse away from scrutinizing the real business of exploitation. Governments, corporations, institutions, vested interests, city halls, these power dynamics use the same method. Democracy itself subordinates to this corrupt pantomime.
Google: “How do I use your laptop webcam as a camera for your smartphone?” It used to be an art, finding the best wording to put into Google, to narrow down results until they’re on point, no matter how esoteric the info searched for. It’s a major problem: corporatized tech the world over is devolving. It’s the opposite of progress. Tech itself is improving but function is degrading. This must stop.
How did a mere academic movement of the mid 20th-century metastasize – over less than three generations – into a neo-identitarian phenomenon powerful enough to be assimilating venerable institutions whole departments at a time? Public opinion (and therefore policy) is being subordinated to a consensus mediocrity, hostile to talent, individuality and merit. Is society helpless against this confederacy of dunces; or is there a deeper more sapient power dynamic embedded in postmodernism’s banality substrate?
Today, three full generations after its birth in the 1940s, postmodern thinking has engendered a uniquely degraded democratization of creative ambition. It has subordinated individual originality and culture to consumerism. This piece is an exercise in therapy but useful for anyone keen for a definition of post-modernism, the cultural coronavirus against which we have no vaccine. Yet.
Conspiracy theories have always existed, filling the unsettling gaps in knowledge of the world with comfortably self-congratulatory explanation. Like nationalism, the conspiracy theory is a mechanism for controlling the non-conformists. This type of thinking has a growing influence on real power structures (e.g. elections). Society is putting its future at risk by allowing these mechanisms to run wild for short-term political gain. But can we ever regulate the groupthink?